Colorado Gov.: Should We As A State Be Taking Lives?

Human Rights Now

Colorado’s Governor granted an indefinite stay for Nathan Dunlap, who was set to be executed in August. In doing so the Gov. questioned the death penalty itself (Photo Credit: RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post via Getty Images).

Governor John W. Hickenlooper of Colorado did something rather extraordinary on Wednesday, when he prevented (by granting an indefinite reprieve) the execution of Nathan Dunlap. Dunlap was scheduled to be put to death during the week of August 18 for a horrible crime, the 1993 murder of four people – three teenagers and a mother of two – in an Aurora, Colorado, Chuck E. Cheese.

Hickenlooper’s reprieve was not based on anything having to do with Dunlap’s case, but was based on problems with the death penalty itself. As Hickenlooper writes:

“It is a legitimate question whether we as a state should be taking lives.”

 

Oregon’s Governor John Kitzhaber did something similar back in November 2011, when he used the granting of an execution reprieve to impose a blanket moratorium on executions intended to “bring about a long overdue reevaluation of our current policy and our system of capital punishment” – a reevaluation he hoped would put an end to “this compromised and inequitable system.”

Colorado’s Governor Hickenlooper states that Colorado’s death penalty has also “not been fairly or equitably imposed.” He observes that the realization that capital punishment doesn’t work is becoming more widespread, and that his state is already one of 25 that have either abolished the death penalty or not carried out an execution in 10 years. He mentions that over two thirds of the world’s countries have similarly either not executed for a decade or abolished capital punishment altogether. He points out that most religions do not support the death penalty. And he notes the practical problem (which is really a moral problem) that it is getting harder and harder to procure lethal injection drugs from pharmaceutical companies that don’t want to be involved in state killing of prisoners.

Colorado has had one execution in the last 45 years, and nearly abolished the death penalty in 2009. Hickenlooper suggests in his order, perhaps with a bit of understatement, that his decision is intended to “continue the intense conversation Coloradans are having about the death penalty.”

It certainly will.

A Prosecutor, a Wrongful Conviction and a Question of Justice

Propublica

This is part of a series. Read Part 1 and Part 2.

Edwin Oliva, a 29-year-old petty thief and drug addict, says he was a wreck as he sat in a chair in the Brooklyn District Attorney's office in winter 1995. A year earlier, he'd told police a lie that helped implicate a possibly innocent man in a murder. Now, prosecutors wanted him to repeat his story in court; he wanted to take it back.

Oliva says he had been on a crack and heroin binge at the time he'd made his initial claim, and that he told prosecutors he implicated the man only because of relentless pressure from police. A statement he had signed — asserting that he had heard a young man named Jabbar Collins discussing a murder plot days before a man wound up shot to death in a Brooklyn apartment building — was a fiction that detectives had fed him.

But the prosecutors, Oliva says, weren't having it. Collins, the man Oliva had fingered, had already been arraigned based in part on Oliva's word. Collins, then 21, was sitting in a Rikers Island jail cell awaiting trial, and the Brooklyn District Attorney's office was intent that he stay behind bars for a very long time. Oliva was going to be a critical witness, whether he liked it or not.

When Oliva refused to testify, the prosecutors, led by senior Brooklyn Assistant District Attorney Michael Vecchione, threatened to charge him with conspiracy to commit murder, Oliva says. Prosecutors then held Oliva for several days at Lincoln Correctional Facility, a minimum-security prison in Harlem. But Oliva held firm.

"I refused to testify to a lie," he said in a sworn statement submitted years later in federal court.

Vecchione's team, Oliva says, finally found a way to leverage him: Oliva was out of prison on a work release program, so prosecutors got the privilege revoked, and on March 1, 1995, Oliva was transferred to Ulster Correctional Facility, a maximum security state prison two hours north of New York City.

Oliva was brought back to the Brooklyn District Attorney's Office for a meeting with Vecchione's partner, Assistant District Attorney Charles Posner. According to Oliva, Posner told him that he could have his work release privileges restored if he'd testify against Collins.

"I felt trapped and desperate," Oliva said. "And so I agreed."

Oliva took the stand against Collins, insisting that his testimony was not a result of any agreement with prosecutors. And Vecchione, in a powerful closing argument, vouched for Oliva's credibility.

"He saw something. He heard something," Vecchione told the jury. "Someone asked him about it. And he is telling what he saw and he is telling what he heard. Nothing else."

 

Jabbar Collins was convicted of murdering Abraham Pollack, a rabbi from the Williamsburg section of Brooklyn, and spent the next 15 years in prison. But he eventually gained his freedom through a rare federal petition in 2010, one asserting that prosecutors and police had invented, distorted and withheld evidence in his case. And now Collins is suing for $150 million, naming the individual prosecutors and detectives as defendants along with the city.

Based on an assortment of prosecution and government documents, as well as a number of sworn statements, Collins and his lawyer have asserted a staggering array of misconduct on Vecchione's part:

Vecchione, they charge, coerced an illiterate drug addict named Angel Santos to testify against Collins by physically threatening him and sending him to jail for a full week. Vecchione, they claim, persuaded a minor drug dealer named Adrian Diaz to testify by chasing him down in Puerto Rico and helping him avoid violating the terms of his probation. In court, they maintain, Vecchione suborned perjury; he concocted cover stories about how Collins' family threatened one or more witnesses. And while Collins spent a decade and a half in a state prison, Vecchione oversaw an effort to deny Collins access to the information that might have freed him.

In a series of filings in state and federal court, the Brooklyn District Attorney's office has refuted Collins' claims of misconduct. Officials say Oliva was promised no deal for his testimony; Santos took the stand voluntarily; Vecchione took no special steps to protect Diaz in exchange for his testimony; and the office handled Collins' requests for records in good faith.

Today, Vecchione, 63, remains a senior figure in the office of Brooklyn District Attorney Charles J. Hynes. Hynes has stood by him, heralding Vecchione as a principled lawyer and an effective prosecutor. Both Vecchione and Hynes refused to be interviewed for this article.

Benjamin Brafman and Alan Dershowitz, two prominent defense lawyers who say they have known Vecchione for years, cautioned against concluding Vecchione was guilty of what has been alleged.

"These allegations are based largely on unproved claims made in an adversarial complaint," the lawyers said in a letter. "They have not yet been subjected to the full truth testing mechanisms of a judicial proceding."

"In our view," they asserted, "Mr. Vecchione has not been found to have committed any judicial misconduct."

A review of Vecchione's career shows that he has been a lightning rod for criticism for years. In a 1993 murder case, Vecchione was accused of withholding a cooperation agreement between himself and a key witness. State judges have chastised him for over-the-top behavior in court. Some defense lawyers, judges and former colleagues have said Vecchione is an all-too-willing lieutenant to Hynes, a loyalist interested in making headline-producing cases and then winning them at all costs.

Vecchione's aggressive pursuit of Clarence Norman, the onetime Brooklyn political kingpin, failed to produce what the district attorney's office most hoped it would — evidence that judgeships were for sale in Brooklyn.

Vecchione tried to prosecute a former FBI agent for helping arrange the murders of gangsters, only to have the case fall apart in embarrassment when it was revealed that Vecchione's chief witness was disastrously unreliable.

And just last year, a prosecutor leading a sex trafficking unit overseen by Vecchione resigned amid accusations that she had withheld a victim's recantation in a high-profile rape case.

For many legal experts, defense lawyers and advocates for the wrongly convicted, Vecchione is a prominent example of a troubling aspect of the American criminal justice system: Prosecutors who are implicated in misconduct often seem immune from meaningful punishment.

A recent investigation by ProPublica looking at more than a decade's worth of court records found that New York judges don't routinely refer prosecutorial misconduct to state panels that handle attorney discipline, even when they overturn convictions and upbraid prosecutors for constitutional violations. State disciplinary panels, when they do get referrals, rarely impose meaningful sanctions. The city's district attorneys lack the will to punish their subordinates, perhaps out of fear of embarrassment. All told, ProPublica found 30 cases in which judges reversed convictions based on misconduct by New York City prosecutors. Just one of these prosecutors was publicly disciplined.

The pattern is much the same across the country. The Northern California Innocence Project reviewed 12 years of court opinions and found that California prosecutors were hardly ever disciplined after convictions were overturned because of their misconduct.

Frederic Block, the federal judge presiding over Collins' civil lawsuit, has expressed something like amazement at Hynes' unwillingness to sanction Vecchione.

"I'm just puzzled why the district attorney did not take any action against Vecchione," Block said in court last fall. "To the contrary, he seems to ignore everything that happened. And an innocent man has been in jail for 16 years."

Hynes appears more willing to investigate detectives who might have helped make bad cases. Earlier this month, his office said it would review 50 murder cases handled by a single retired Brooklyn homicide detective. The action came after Hynes supported the release of a man who had been wrongly convicted based on the work of the detective, Louis Scarcella. So far, there's been no indication that Hynes' review of that case, or the larger case review, will extend to the prosecutors who investigated side by side with Scarcella for years, attending the same possibly suspect lineups, accepting the now supposedly dubious confessions, vouching for the witnesses Scarcella helped identify.

Collins' lawyer, Joel Rudin, is not at all surprised. Rudin has a long record of holding the city's prosecutors accountable. He's won millions of dollars in settlements from the city for wrongfully convicting people, and maintains a long list of cases in which prosecutors have broken ethics rules to win convictions, all without disciplinary sanctions. Often those prosecutors have been promoted after state and federal judges have excoriated their conduct.

Rudin's allegations against Vecchione and the office he works for are built on a formidable assortment of depositions, prison records, sworn affidavits and a review of state appellate court records. Rudin is scheduled to depose Vecchione on June 14.

Jabbar Collins — guilty or not — never got a fair trial. Two federal judges have declared it so. Both have been unsparing in condemning the conduct of Vecchione. Block, who is handling the civil lawsuit, has said in open court that he's eager to dig deeper.

"This was horrific behavior on the part of Vecchione," Block said. "We are going to have a civil proceeding, and all of this is going to be uncovered. I kid you not."

Hynes, meanwhile, does not seem outwardly concerned about Vecchione's record, or any damage it might have done to his office. As he runs for a seventh term, Hynes has agreed to have his office be the subject of a prime-time CBS television show, "Brooklyn DA."

A Second Coming

 

Brooklyn in the early 1990s was rife with racial tension, particularly between the borough's large Jewish and African-American populations. The conflict was most visible in Crown Heights, where in 1991 the mutual suspicions erupted in several days and nights of unrest.

The newly elected Brooklyn District Attorney, Charles "Joe" Hynes, quickly found himself on the hot seat. The Jewish vote had helped him win office, but he had reason to fear losing that support: In October 1992, his prosecutors failed to convict a 16-year-old black man named Lemrick Nelson for chasing down a 29-year-old rabbinical student and stabbing him to death during the 1991 disturbances. Hynes' handling of the case eventually became the subject of a damning state critique.

Under fire, Hynes wound up benefiting from the work of a prosecutor recently returned to his ranks. Mike Vecchione — who had begun his career in the Brooklyn District Attorney's office 15 years earlier, followed by a career as a defense lawyer — had come back to the office at Hynes' urging. Vecchione, a seasoned trial lawyer, was soon made chief of Hynes' homicide bureau, taking on the most sensitive cases involving Jewish victims.

There were more than a few, and Vecchione consistently won convictions.

There was the 1992 case of 15-year-old Tziporah Yagodayev, strangled to death on the Williamsburg Bridge. Vecchione proved that a drug-addicted thief named Raymond Vargas was the killer, sending him away for 25 years to life. Later that year, a 37-year-old Hasidic mother died after being stabbed more than 35 times during a botched robbery. Vecchione won a murder conviction by showing that the defendant's palm matched a bloody handprint found at the crime scene. When Vecchione emerged from the courtroom, he got a hero's welcome from a group of overjoyed Hasidic women.

"He's very smooth and confident in the courtroom," said Alan Vinegrad, a former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of New York, who once helped prosecute a kidnapping case with Vecchione. "He's an excellent trial attorney. He had a great rapport with witnesses and could talk to real people in a real way."

Vecchione, who had grown up in the Prospect Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, first came to work in the office in 1973 when Eugene Gold was the district attorney. He had gone to St. John's University, and graduated as part of the first class of Hofstra University's law school. He then took a job as a junior prosecutor.

His illusions of legal grandeur, however, were roughed up a bit on his very first day in criminal court.

"I was so proud, standing right in front of the bench, wearing my brand new suit," Vecchione wrote in a 2009 book about his role in a famous police corruption case. "I was officially part of the great American tradition of jurisprudence. And then the judge, wearing the solemn robes of his office, cleared his throat, opened a top drawer in his desk, and spit right into it. And then closed the drawer. Well, so much for majesty."

Vecchione said in the book that his first major case was a mob murder, and winning it meant more than anything to him. In a closed office late at night, preparing for trial, Vecchione said he came across a report that called into question the integrity of his main witness.

"It would have been absolutely nothing for me to take that report and tear it up or just throw it away," Vecchione wrote. "No one would have known the difference. Not one person. I would be lying if I said the prospect of getting caught didn't enter my mind. It did."

Vecchione said he kept the report in the file and went to trial. He lost.

"One lie leads to another and another and another," Vecchione said in explaining his decision. "And then the whole house of cards falls down."

In the coming years, Vecchione won dozens of cases. Cases with loads of evidence, and cases with less than overwhelming proof.

"He had a passion for trying cases. He was very aggressive," recalled Tommy Dades, a retired New York City detective who worked for years with Vecchione and who collaborated with him on the 2009 book. "Other prosecutors would want a video of the guy with a gun doing the shooting. Mike would say, 'Tommy, get me a case, and we'll try it. Corroborate it, and we'll try it.'"

After a decade in the office, Vecchione left to start his own practice, and he proved to be a respected defense lawyer, too. One of his more noteworthy accomplishments came in a murder case involving a battered woman who killed her abusive husband by setting him on fire with cleaning fluid. The woman was found guilty of a lesser charge — criminally negligent homicide — and spared prison time.

Back for a second stint in the district attorney's office, and piling up noteworthy triumphs, those who worked alongside Vecchione said his confidence only grew.

"Even back in the '70s, he looked at himself as a tough guy, a take-no-prisoners kind of guy," said one Brooklyn judge. "But at the time, nobody knew where he'd end up."

McDonalds = Cheap Junk Food that Sucks

Grio

NEW YORK (AP) — McDonald’s once again faced criticism that it’s a purveyor of junk food that markets to children at its annual shareholder meeting Thursday.

The world’s biggest hamburger chain has been looking to keep up with changing tastes as people increasingly opt for foods they feel are fresh or healthy. Customers can now order egg whites in its breakfast sandwiches, for example. McDonald’s also recently introduced chicken wraps to go after people in their 20s and 30s looking for better-for-you options.

But at its shareholder meeting Thursday, McDonald’s was taken to task by speakers associated with an advocacy group about its menu and marketing toward kids. As with other shareholder meetings, McDonald’s Corp. allotted about a half-hour for anyone who owned its stock to address its top executives.

Among those was a 9-year-old girl who asked CEO Don Thompson to stop “tricking kids into eating your food.” Later on, the girl’s mother echoed the request, saying McDonald’s undermines parents by marketing to children.

Another speaker asked that McDonald’s remove its locations from hospitals, while others asked it to stop targeting communities of color by signing stars such as Olympic gymnast Gabby Douglas and the NBA’s LeBron James.

Three of the individuals were members of Corporate Accountability, which has been critical of the company’s marketing practices. Others were health professionals, parents or writers linked to the group.

Thompson stood by the company’s menu, saying McDonald’s doesn’t sell “junk food,” pointing out items such as the yogurt parfait and side salad and noting that the company has been adding more fruits and vegetables to its menu.

Thompson, who took over as CEO this past summer, also noted that his kids eat at McDonald’s and that many of its 1.8 million employees are parents.

Still, he said at one point, “I do agree we have some issues, and we can be part of the solution.”

Of course, other fast-food chains such as Burger King, Wendy’s and Taco Bell aren’t exactly paragons of healthy eating. And plenty of smaller, mom-and-pop restaurants sell food with just as many calories and fat as a Big Mac or Quarter Pounder. But with more than 14,000 U.S. locations, McDonald’s is an easy target because of its size and has become a symbol of processed foods in American culture.

The criticism is far from new but its persistence illustrates the uphill battle McDonald’s faces in trying to evolve its image and stay relevant. After years of outperforming its rivals, the company has been struggling to increase sales more recently. Last month, McDonald’s said sales at restaurants open at least a year fell 1 percent for its first quarter. That marked the first quarterly decline for the figure in a decade.

McDonald’s has blamed its troubles in part on the broader economy, saying the restaurant industry was flat to declining in the past year. But the company is also pushing to improve the image of its food at a time when chains such as Chipotle, Panera and Subway are gaining popularity.

McDonald’s is also enduring criticism that it still markets to children.

Despite Thompson’s claims that the company doesn’t target children in schools, Corporate Accountability noted that McDonald’s has moved much of its marketing online where it’s harder for parents to monitor what kids see. Nick Guroff, a spokesman for the group, also said that commercials featuring Gabby Douglas and LeBron James are directed at kids.

Corporate Accountability in recent years had pressured McDonald’s to stop using Ronald McDonald to market to children. Thompson on Thursday noted that the company isn’t using Ronald “the way it used to” but nevertheless stood by the mascot.

“Ronald is not a bad guy — he’s about fun, he’s a clown,” Thompson said. “So I’d ask all you to let your kids have fun, too.”

Third Circuit upholds conviction of White Judge in Pennsylvania juvenile sentencing scandal

[JURIST]

The US Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit [official website] on Friday upheld [opinion, PDF] the conviction and 28-year sentence for former Luzerne County Court of Common Pleas [official website] judge Mark Ciavarella Jr. In February 2011 Ciavarella was convicted by a jury [JURIST report] in the US District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania [official website] of racketeering, mail fraud, money laundering, tax fraud and other related crimes. The convictions stemmed from a juvenile sentencing scandal [JURIST news archive] in which Ciavarella and judge Michael Conahan allegedly received $2.8 million in kickbacks from a commercial builder, an attorney and a businessman in exchange for helping to construct and operate two juvenile detention centers, and placing hundreds of juvenile offenders there. In August 2011 the court sentenced [JURIST report] Ciavarella to 28 years in prison despite his eligibility for a life sentence under federal sentencing guidelines. On appeal, Ciavarella specifically challenged denial of his motions to disqualify the district judge, arguing that the judge had "improperly relied on extrajudicial statements" by commenting to the media and public before denying Ciavarella's plea agreement. The appellate court, however, found that the district judge's statements did not constitute the requisite bias required for disqualification under 28 USC § 455(a) [text] because they did not display "a deep-seated favoritism or antagonism that would make fair judgment impossible." Pursuant to the ruling, Ciavarella will continue to serve his 28-year sentence in federal prison in Illinois.

Ciavarella's trial began [JURIST report] in early February 2011. In December 2012 a federal judge approved a settlement [JURIST report] of almost $18 million in a lawsuit brought by juveniles wrongfully incarcerated by the two judges. In July 2010 Judge Edwin Kosik accepted [JURIST report] a plea agreement from former judge Conahan for his involvement in the juvenile sentencing scandal. Conahan now faces a 20-year prison sentence, a fine of up to $250,000 and disbarment. Kosik had previously rejected [JURIST report] joint plea agreements from Conahan and Ciavarella, finding that plea bargaining to honest services fraud and tax evasion charges demonstrated that the men did not accept responsibility and that the disbarment and 87-month prison sentences were too lenient [JURIST op-ed]. In October 2009 the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania overturned 6,500 juvenile-offender convictions issued by Ciavarella [JURIST report]. Conahan and Ciavarella were indicted in September 2009, following a withdrawal of the guilty pleas they entered [JURIST reports] in February 2009.

BART Cop Involved with Killing Oscar Grant Charged With Unemployment Fraud

NBC

A former BART police officer who was fired for his role in a  confrontation that ended with the fatal shooting of passenger Oscar Grant III  four years ago has been charged with unemployment fraud and grand theft.

    The charges against Anthony Pirone, which were filed in mid-April,  allege that he collected unemployment checks from the state for a seven-month  period in 2011, after he had been fired by BART, even though he had a job.     However, Pirone's attorney, William Rapoport, said today that he  thinks the allegations against Pirone are "not provable" and he's "confident"  that Pirone, who currently is serving with the Army National Guard in  Afghanistan, won't be convicted.
    Rapoport said Pirone wasn't on active duty with the military at  the time he was receiving the unemployment checks that are the subject of the  criminal charges and was only in training with the Army National Guard.
    Rapoport said Pirone probably received some type of payments while  he was in training but those payments aren't considered earnings or wages  that would make him ineligible to collect unemployment benefits.
    Pirone had been scheduled to appear in Alameda County Superior  Court this week but he couldn't attend because he's in Afghanistan so his  case was postponed until next year, when he's scheduled to return to the U.S.
    Grant, 22, of Hayward, was shot and killed by former BART police  Officer Johannes Mehserle in the early morning hours of Jan. 1, 2009, after  Mehserle, Pirone and other officers responded to reports that there was a  fight on a BART train.
    Mehserle was charged with murder but he was only convicted of the  lesser charge of involuntary manslaughter.
    Pirone wasn't charged in connection with the incident but John  Burris, an Oakland attorney who represented Grant's family in a wrongful  death lawsuit, alleged that Pirone escalated the situation at the Fruitvale  station.
    Pirone was the first officer to arrive at the station's platform  and video recordings showed him acting aggressively.
    Pirone is in the midst of an arbitration hearing in which he is  seeking to get his job back at BART and Rapoport alleged that the criminal  charges against him are an attempt by BART to gain "an advantage" in the  arbitration process.
    BART officials didn't respond to a request for a comment today.
    Rapoport said an evidentiary hearing in the arbitration matter  concluded on Wednesday and will be followed by about six months of legal  briefs. He said he expects a ruling late this year or early next year.
    Rapoport noted that Marysol Domenici, another BART police officer  who was fired for her role in the Grant incident, was victorious at the end  of her arbitration process in December 2010 and has been back at the transit  agency for more than two years now.
    Rapoport previously said he thinks the incident that led to  Grant's death has been "politicized" and he believes Pirone will win his  arbitration case.

Guantanamo Public Defender Attorney found dead in "apparent suicide"

BlackListedNews

An American lawyer representing detainees at the Guantanamo Bay prison camp has been found dead in an apparent suicide.

The body of Andy P. Hart, a 38-year-old US federal public defender, was found last week with a self-inflicted gunshot wound. According to Truthout, an investigative blog, news of the attorney’s death came only this Wednesday from an investigator working on Guantanamo detainees’ habeas corpus petitions. That investigator requested anonymity.

According to court documents, Hart had previously represented Kahlid Saad Mohammed, a 39-year-old Guantanamo detainee from Saudi Arabia who was transferred back to his home country in 2009 after being identified as having only “low-level” terrorist affiliation. 

Perhaps most notably, Hart was assigned to defend Mohammed Rahim al-Afghani, one of 16 detainees at Guantanamo which the US government has designated as “high-value.” Al-Afghani, thought to be Osama bin Laden’s translator, was detained by the CIA and allegedly tortured prior to his arrival in Cuba in 2008.

IRS to Spy on Our Shopping Records, Travel, Social Interactions, Health Records and Files from Other Government Investigators

BlackListedNews

We noted in March that all U.S. intelligence agencies – including the CIA and NSA – are going to spy on Americans’ finances.

The IRS is joining the fun.

U.S. News and World Report notes today:

[The IRS] will use in robo-audits and data mining [and] it has told government and industry groups that its computers are capable of scanning multiple networks at the same time to collect “matching” comprehensive profiles for every taxpayer in America. Such profiles will likely include shopping records, travel, social interactions and information not available to the public, such as health records and files from other government investigators, according to IRS documents.

***

The IRS is following the philosophy of former Obama regulatory czar, Cass Sunstein [remember him?], who advocates using technology tools and behavioral science policies to “nudge” people to do the right thing. In the case of the IRS, that policy so far has fallen most heavily on lower-income taxpayers and has done little to collect substantially more tax revenue.

***

Harry Surden, a University of Colorado—Boulder Law School associate professor and former fellow at Stanford’s Center for Computers and Law, who has done in-depth studies on the use of technology by government … has found that data mining and new technology make possible a level of government intrusion into personal lives that few realize is possible.

(white people are watching you) SHERIFF: 'We want people to call us if guy down street hates government'

BlackListed News

Florida House and Senate budget leaders have awarded Palm Beach County Sheriff Ric Bradshaw $1 million for a new violence prevention unit aimed at preventing tragedies like those in Newtown, Conn., and Aurora, Colo., from occurring on his turf.

Bradshaw plans to use the extra $1 million to launch “prevention intervention” units featuring specially trained deputies, mental health professionals and caseworkers. The teams will respond to citizen phone calls to a 24-hour hotline with a knock on the door and a referral to services, if needed.

The goal will be avoiding crime — and making sure law enforcement knows about potential powder kegs before tragedies occur, Bradshaw said. But the earmark, which is a one-time-only funding provision, provoked a debate Monday among mental health advocates and providers about the balance between civil liberties, privacy and protecting the public.

...

 

“We want people to call us if the guy down the street says he hates the government, hates the mayor and he’s gonna shoot him,” Bradshaw said. “What does it hurt to have somebody knock on a door and ask, ‘Hey, is everything OK?’ ”

White Supremacy Mississippi Refuses To Test DNA Before Execution Date

ThinkProgress

Mississippi has set an execution date for Willie Jerome Manning next week, without ever having tested readily available DNA from the scene of the abduction and murder in which Manning was convicted. In a 5-4 decision Thursday, the Mississippi Supreme Court said DNA testing was not necessary due to the “overwhelming evidence in his case.”  The Innocence Project provides background about the nature of that evidence:

Manning was convicted of the abduction and murder of Jon Steckler and Tiffany Miller in 1992 on mostly circumstantial evidence, including the testimony of a jailhouse informant who had previously given a statement implicating another person. No physical evidence has ever linked him to the crime, and he has consistently maintained his innocence. He has been seeking post-conviction DNA testing for years, insisting that technological strides made in the past 20 years could prove him innocent of the crime.

During trial, the prosecutor reasoned that a hair sample found in the victim’s car belonged to Manning because both Manning and the hair sample were African American. Dissenting Justice Leslie King pointed out, ”Should a DNA test demonstrate that the African-American hairs found in Miller’s cart did not belong to Manning, then the infirmity in the prosecution’s emphasis on the importance of the evidence would be exposed. And it would certainly raise reasonable questions regarding Manning’s guilt.” But the majority nonetheless held such testing would not change the outcome of the case, disregarding the substantial evidence that informant testing is susceptible to bias and manipulation, and that the death penalty system is fraught with racial bias.

Even though DNA would supplant the prosecutor’s speculation about the hair sample with definitive scientific evidence, both the majority in Thursday’s ruling and the U.S. Supreme Court have refused to stand up for defendants’ right to raise the most robust defense possible. In a 2009 decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that a defendant who was willing to pay for a DNA test at his own expense was not entitled to the test, because allowing William Osburne to prove his potential innocence risks “unnecessarily overthrowing the established system of criminal justice.”

Manning’s inability to access evidence in his own case is alarmingly common. Because it is law enforcement officers who investigate crimes, prosecutors are the gatekeepers to evidence that should be equally available to both parties, and they are institutionally positioned to block evidence that might threaten the convictions they’ve secured. Nonetheless, some states and law enforcers recognize that it is in everybody’s best interests to have all available evidence. Nine states have laws granting defense lawyers access to a national DNA database. And even Texas’ conservative attorney general recently came out in support of mandatory DNA testing. Manning’s execution is now scheduled for May 7, but his attorney has filed another motion asking the Supreme Court to reconsider its decision.

Massachusetts Latino Incarceration Rate 4th Highest in US

Sentencing Project

Statistics from The Sentencing Project reveal that Massachusetts incarcerates Hispanics at the fourth highest rate in the country. According to data from the organization, Massachusetts imprisons Hispanic individuals at a rate of 1,229 per 100,000 residents – a ratio of six to one when compared to the rate at which whites are imprisoned. Nationally, this figure is 1.8-to-one. Marc Mauer, executive director of The Sentencing Project, said that many things come into play when deciphering these statistics, but the most significant have been policies from the “war on drugs” which sent U.S. incarceration rates skyrocketing over the past 30 years.

Former Guantanamo detainee Khadr to appeal terrorism conviction

Jurist

A former Canadian Guantanamo prisoner is planning to appeal his US terrorism conviction, his lawyer said Sunday. Omar Khadr [BBC profile; JURIST news archive], who spent 10 years in Guantanamo, is currently imprisoned [AP report] in a maximum security prison in Ontario serving out six years of an eight-year sentence for war crimes. Khadr was born in Toronto and is the son of alleged al Qaeda financier Ahmed Said Khadr [CBC profile]. In 2010 Khadr pleaded guilty to a number of crimes as part of a plea bargain, including the killing a US solider in Afghanistan when he was 15. Khadr's lawyers hope that his conviction can be appealed on the same grounds as Ali Hamza Ahmad Suliman Al Bahlul [HRW profile; JURIST news archive], the media secretary for Osama bin Laden [JURIST news archive] whose conspiracy conviction was vacated by the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit [official website]. The DC Circuit ruled [JURIST report] that the military tribunal that convicted Al Bahlul of conspiracy in 2007 erred because a Guantanamo prisoner could not be convicted of conspiracy unless his crime took place after 2006. The court explained that the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA) [text, PDF] codified conspiracy as a war crime, but did not apply to crimes committed before the MCA was passed.

Last week the DC Court of appeals agreed to an en banc review of its January decision vacating Al Bahlul's conspiracy conviction. The US Department of Justice (DOJ) [official website] had asked the DC Circuit to reverse the conviction because the court is bound by its decision last October to dismiss the case [JURIST reports] against bin Laden's former driver, Salim Ahmed Hamdan. With last week's decision, the entire DC Circuit can now review both cases. Oral argument is set for September 30. Khadr was transferred [JURIST report] to Canada in 2012. In 2010 he claimed that his confession to the charges against him was a byproduct of torture, but those claims were rejected [JURIST report] by a military judge.

Obama renews pledge to close Guantanamo

[JURIST]

US President Barack Obama [official website] on Tuesday renewed his pledge to make an effort to close the detention center at Guantanamo Bay [JURIST backgrounder]. At a news conference [transcript] Tuesday, Obama was asked about the ongoing hunger strike [Miami Herald graphic; JURIST news archive], now involving 100 of the 166 detainees. He responded, "Well, it is not a surprise to me that we've got problems in Guantanamo, which is why when I was campaigning in 2007 and 2008,...

Maryland governor signs bill repealing death penalty

[JURIST]

Maryland Governor Martin O'Malley [official website] on Thursday signed into law [press release] a bill [SB 276 materials] to repeal the death penalty. The legislation, which makes Maryland the eighteenth US state to repeal the death penalty, was approved by the state legislature [JURIST report] in March. Prior to the bill, Maryland's capital punishment laws were among the most restrictive in the country. Senate Bill 279 [text, PDF], which was signed into law in 2009, prevented a judge from imposing the death penalty unless one of three factors existed: DNA evidence, a videotaped confession or a videotaped murder. Even before the restrictions were passed, Maryland had only executed five people since 1976.

O'Malley announced in January that he would file legislation to repeal capital punishment [JURIST report] in Maryland, stating that the death penalty is expensive and ineffective. In 2008, the governor created [JURIST report] the Maryland Commission on Capital Punishment [official website] after an unsuccessful attempt [JURIST report] to repeal the death penalty in 2007. Outside of Maryland, Connecticut [JURIST report] became the seventeenth state to abolish the death penalty and the fifth to do so in the previous five years. New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Illinois [JURIST reports] have all recently eliminated the death penalty, while 32 states retain its use, according to the Death Penalty Information Center [advocacy website]. However, California voters declined to repeal the death penalty [JURIST report] on the most recent ballot, with 47 percent of voters supporting the repeal last November.

Florida top court rules warrantless cell phone searches unconstitutional

[JURIST]

The Florida Supreme Court [official website] ruled [opinion, PDF] Thursday that police need a warrant to search a defendant's cell phone at the time of arrest. The court ruled 5-2 that officers were permitted to confiscate the defendant's cell phone, but that they should have obtained a warrant before looking at pictures on the phone. Justice Lewis wrote for the majority, "[w]e refuse to authorize government intrusion into the most private and personal details of an arrestee’s life without...

White Supremacy Spares No Expense: Right to Speedy Trial a Joke in NYC

NYTimes

LATE in the summer of 2011, police officers in New York City arrested a full-time college student named Luis in the lobby of his apartment building in the Bronx and charged him with two misdemeanor offenses, obstructing governmental administration and resisting arrest.

Luis, though, wasn’t guilty of either — a fact supported by a video of the incident, provided to prosecutors by Luis’s lawyer, clearly showing that he had his hands up throughout the encounter. But when the district attorney’s office refused to dismiss the case, Luis found himself in a strange, dispiriting limbo of American justice: he had no realistic way to be acquitted at trial — not because he couldn’t prove his innocence, but because he couldn’t get a trial.

Every year in New York City, more than a quarter of a million people are arrested and charged with misdemeanor offenses. The vast majority of those who don’t plead guilty right away are released without bail and ordered to return to court to fight their cases until they are concluded. But as William Glaberson reported in The New York Times on Wednesday, that can take a very long time.

Statistics for courts in the Bronx are hard to come by. But in 2011, according to a report by the Criminal Court of the City of New York, it took over 400 days, on average, in the city’s other four boroughs to bring a case to a jury trial and verdict — with cases in Brooklyn taking nearly 600 days. That same year, defendants in New York City (with the exception of the Bronx) were required to make 906,243 court appearances — which ended in a mere 506 jury trials. Defendants spent the overwhelming share of those court dates just waiting for their cases to be resolved.

Reducing the vast number of people charged with relatively minor offenses would go a long way toward easing this immense burden. But even without a shift in policing strategy, there’s one straightforward fix we can make: treat criminal cases more like civil cases by excusing defendants from appearing in court until the prosecution is actually ready to try them.

In civil actions, lawyers file lawsuits and litigate them on behalf of clients who need not come to court until it’s time to be deposed or appear at trial. In criminal courts, on the other hand, a defendant must show up — braving long lines at security, only to fritter away hours waiting in courtrooms, just to appear for a “calendar call” that usually lasts 90 seconds or less and almost always results in further adjournment.

This happens even when prosecutors have advised the court in advance that they are not ready to proceed. The appearance requirement — which can cost a person weeks of lost paychecks and hours spent arranging child care — rapidly becomes onerous. As a result, more than 99 percent of those who initially want to fight the charges are worn down by the legal equivalent of “Waiting for Godot,” and eventually agree to plea bargains to end their cases. The same is true for misdemeanor cases in many other major American cities: the process has become the punishment.

The United States Constitution does not require that a criminal defendant be present in court; it just insists that the accused be allowed to be present at every material stage of the proceedings. Unfortunately, over the years, this right has been translated into an obligation, with utterly brutal consequences.

So why not make criminal justice more civil? At least for nonessential proceedings, misdemeanor defendants who would prefer to let their lawyers do the work should be excused from having to appear in court. Or to frame it another way, courts should require a defendant to be present only when something substantive — like a negotiated disposition, hearing or trial — is really going to happen.

Judges already have the power to excuse defendants but they nearly always refuse to use it. A recent study by the Bronx Defenders, which provides free legal representation to poor people, found that vanishingly few judges would even entertain a motion to excuse a defendant — and among those few who did, even fewer ever granted such a request.

Thus, rather than rely on judges, the State Legislature should amend the law to presumptively excuse defendants. If there’s a good reason for them to be in court, a judge would still be able to require it. But changing the presumption will go far in easing the pressures of overcrowded courtrooms, allowing lawyers to do the bulk of the business of a criminal case — serving and answering motions, settling discovery disputes and arguing over process — far more easily and efficiently than our current system allows.

This simple reform would also radically change the experience of being a criminal defendant, providing hundreds of thousands of at-liberty defendants charged with minor offenses a realistic chance to fight their cases without losing their jobs or being ground down by the process. The change would not only create a more civil criminal justice system, it would finally offer more defendants the chance to have their cases genuinely adjudicated, rather than summarily processed.

David Feige, a television writer and a former public defender in the Bronx, is the author of “Indefensible: One Lawyer’s Journey Into the Inferno of American Justice.”

 

Big Lies launch wars: Building a Pretext for an All Out War in Syria?

4th Media

Building a Pretext for an All Out War against Syria? Allegations of Chemical Weapons Use

New allegations claim Syrian chemical weapons use. We’ve heard similar ones before. Obama calls using them a “game changer.” He also said their use crosses a “red line.”

Syrian officials are unequivocal. Weeks earlier, Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal Miqdad spoke for others saying:

“Syria stresses again, for the 10th, the 100th time, that if we had such weapons, they would not be used against our people. We would not commit suicide.”

Alleging Syrian chemical weapons use resembles bogus claims about Saddam’s nonexistent WMDs. It’s similar to false charges against all US enemies.

Big Lies launch wars. They facilitate them. They perpetuate them. Gore Vidal once said:

“Our rulers for more than half a century have made sure that we are never to be told the truth about anything that our government has done to other people, not to mention our own.”

Syria is Washington’s war. It was planned years ago. It’s objective is regime change. America’s been involved from inception. Independent governments aren’t tolerated.

So-called “non-lethal” aid represents America’s tip of the iceberg. The CIA’s involved in facilitating weapons shipments. Huge amounts flow in. US-backed death squads are well supplied.

At issue is whether Obama plans direct intervention. About 200 US forces were deployed in Jordan. They’re positioned along Syria’s border. John Kerry announced doubling US aid to insurgents.

On the one hand, NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen says no intervention is planned. On the other, he’s hinted about possibly doing so. NATO commander Admiral James Stavridis said he’s ready to act if asked.

Perhaps the North Atlantic Treaty’s article five will be invoked. It considers an attack (real or otherwise) against one or more members an attack against all. It calls for collective action.

Is a staged incident planned? Are chemical weapons charges crossing Obama’s “red line.” Will NATO invoke article five? Will imperial aggression follow? Perhaps Obama has that in mind. He prioritizes war. He deplores peace. He preconditions negotiations on regime change.

Syria: U.S. manipulating chemical weapons evidence, like it did with Iraq

CNN

Syria denies that it has used, or even possesses, chemical weapons, accusing the United States and Britain of lying in order to pressure the embattled Damascus government.

Syrian Information Minister Omran Al-Zoubi talked to Russia TV on Friday, dismissing a claim by U.S. officials a day earlier that they had evidence the chemical weapon sarin had been used in Syria on a small scale.

"Everything that the American minister and British government have said lack credibility," Al-Zoubi said. "It's baseless, and it's a new tactic to put political and economic pressure on Syria."

Al-Zoubi said the Syrian government is the one that called for an investigation of an incident in which it claimed chemical weapons were used by "terrorist groups." The government routinely labels rebel fighters as terrorists.

Syria does not have chemical weapons and would not use them if it did, he said.

The Americans "want to manipulate the issue, to let whoever used the chemical weapons ... get away (with it), and to repeat the Iraq example," Al-Zoubi said.

After a meeting on Friday with Jordan's King Abdullah, President Barack Obama reiterated U.S. "preliminary assessments" that "chemical weapons have been used on ... populations in Syria."

Graham Fuller Denies CIA Link to Tsarnaev

Backchannel 

Retired CIA officer Graham Fuller confirmed to Al-Monitor Saturday that his daughter was previously married to an uncle of the suspects in the Boston Marathon attacks, but called rumors of any links between the uncle and the Agency “absurd.”

Graham Fuller’s daughter, Samantha A. Fuller, was married to Ruslan Tsarnaev (now Tsarni) in the mid-1990s, and divorced in 1999, according to North Carolina public records. The elder Fuller had retired from the agency almost a decade before the brief marriage.

“Samantha was married to Ruslan Tsarnaev (Tsarni) for 3-4 years, and they lived in Bishkek for one year where Samantha was working for Price Waterhouse on privatization projects,” Fulller, a former CIA officer in Turkey and vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council, told Al-Monitor by email Saturday. “They also lived in our house in [Maryland] for a year or so and they were divorced in 1999, I believe.”

“I, of course, retired from CIA in 1987 and had moved on to working as a senior political scientist for RAND,” Fuller continued.

Fuller said his former son in law was interesting but homesick, and moved back to Central Asia after the divorce.

“Like all Chechens, Ruslan was very concerned about his native land, but I saw no particular involvement in politics, [although] he did try to contact other Chechens around,” Fuller continued. “He also felt homesick and eventually went back to Central Asia after the divorce. His English was shaky. (We always spoke Russian together).”

A story on the Internet implying “possible connections between Ruslan and the Agency through me are absurd,” Fuller said.